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33: Profundezas da rede – Capítulo 3: O Jogo

Rádio Escafandro · 10,372 words · 48 min read

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0:01This podcast is a production of Rádio

0:03Guarda-chuva . Journalism for those who

0:05like to listen .

0:15This podcast is presented by

0:17bob.com.br.

0:22Hi , I don't know if you've noticed , but

0:24whenever someone proposes to discuss

0:26the impacts of the internet and social

0:28media on our human existence , one

0:30argument stands out : " Ah , but people

0:32were afraid of the radio . Then people

0:34were afraid of television , and we spent

0:36100 years listening to the radio , 50

0:38years watching television , and that

0:40fear was never justified . " Hmm . In

0:44homage to this beautiful argument , I'm

0:47going to start today's episode talking

0:49about radio , not radio , like the

0:51grandmother of podcasts , but radio , the

0:53radio set , especially a type of device

0:56called Volksen Funger , the people's

0:58radio in German . It was a very simple

1:02little device , like the Volkswagen

1:04Beetle of radios . And in the 1930s ,

1:06with government incentives , it began to

1:09be sold for a price much lower than

1:11normal radios , something like 20 % of the

1:13full price . In the following years ,

1:20this little radio was sold in the

1:22millions . Historians say that in 1939 ,

1:2665 % of German homes had a Volksfanger .

1:31The only problem with these radios was

1:33that they had a short range and only

1:35picked up local stations that almost

1:37always played German music interspersed

1:39with advertisements praising the

1:40government . The Chancellor of Germany

1:47at that time , you know , was a guy named

1:49Adolf Hitler , who had a propaganda

1:51minister named Joseph Gebels , who was

1:53the creator of the Volksfanger , the

1:56people's radio . I'm Tomas and Averini ,

2:07and the 33rd episode of Escafandro has

2:10already begun . In it , we're going to

2:15talk about how politicians have used

2:17the internet and social media to gain

2:18power and stay there . Before we go on ,

2:23I want to remind you that Escafandro

2:25radio is maintained solely and

2:26exclusively by its listeners . As you

2:28know , this is done through a

2:30crowdfunding campaign . To be a part of

2:32it is simple . Just go to Catarse . Or

2:36visit picpay.me/escafandro and choose

2:41the amount you want or can support the

2:43project monthly . And if you want to

2:46help the project but can't spend money

2:48right now , there are other ways to do

2:50it . You can give Escafandro radio a

2:51good review on your podcast player , if

2:53it gives you that option , or you can

2:55follow and share the podcast on social

2:57media . I'm everywhere as @Tomasini and @

3:01rádioescafandro . For those of you who

3:12have already helped the project , thank

3:14you very much . Hitler's Germany had 70

3:22million inhabitants . Bolsonaro's Brazil

3:25has 210 million . We don't really have a

3:28people's radio , but it's estimated that

3:30WhatsApp is currently used by somewhere

3:33between 120 and 140 million Brazilians .

3:35This comparison between WhatsApp and

3:38the Nazi people's radio wasn't my idea .

3:40She's in a book called * The Hate Machine

3:42* , recently released by reporter ,

3:44writer , and columnist for * Fora de São

3:46Paulo * , Patrícia Campos Melo .

3:48Incidentally , Companhia das Letras sent

3:50me a copy of this book , and I'll be

3:51raffling it off among the podcast's

3:53supporters in the coming days . So keep

3:55an eye on the radio's Instagram .

3:57Several facts and pieces of information

3:58that I'll mention here were taken from

4:00the story that Patrícia Campos Melo

4:02tells in the book . A story that began

4:04in 2018 , a little before the

4:06presidential elections . I'm

4:15not a political reporter , right ? It

4:17wasn't , it's not my area .

4:19Patrícia's area is international

4:21coverage . She's award-winning and

4:22recognized both here and abroad for her

4:24war coverage , such as in Afghanistan ,

4:26Syria , and for a series of reports she

4:28did in Sierra Leone during the Ebola

4:30epidemic . In addition ,

4:34I had been covering several elections

4:35around the world where populist leaders

4:37were using disinformation campaigns to

4:39manipulate public opinion . Some

4:44emblematic elections were in India in

4:462014 , which led to Narendra becoming

4:48prime minister , and then , obviously ,

4:51Donald Trump in 2016 , elected president

4:53in the United States . Because of all

4:56this , the newspaper thought it was a

4:58good idea to ask Patricia to use her

5:00international experience to cover the

5:02Brazilian elections . Even back then ,

5:04when people were talking about

5:05disinformation campaigns , WhatsApp was

5:07at the forefront .

5:09WhatsApp in Brazil is the main vehicle

5:11for disinformation . First , because

5:13Brazil is WhatsApp's second-largest

5:16market . Think about it , Brazil has 209

5:18million people and 130 million WhatsApp

5:21users . India , which is the largest

5:24market , has 1.3 billion inhabitants and

5:27400 million WhatsApp users . So , in

5:29Brazil it's much more widespread . And

5:40how does one begin an investigation

5:42involving the most obscure political

5:44forces allied with a technology company

5:46that insists on keeping a part of its

5:49electronic mechanisms under lock and

5:50key ? Patricia Campos Melos followed the

5:59advice immortalized by Deep Throat , the

6:01source of the Watergate scandal , and

6:03which has been followed by generation

6:05after generation of reporters : Follow

6:08the money .

6:10So , you see where all this messaging

6:12was coming from ? Everyone was saying , "

6:15No , this is all voluntary , this is all

6:17organic , it's the supporters , right ? "

6:20And then I started talking to several

6:22marketing agencies , marketers who used

6:24the service , owners , former employees .

6:28And then came the first story , which

6:30showed that businessmen had bought

6:32packages of mass messaging campaigns to

6:35send out messages in the week before

6:37the second round of the 2018 election

6:39against the then-PT candidate , Fernando

6:41Haddad . The contracts were worth up to

6:51R $ 1 million each . And one of the

6:53companies most cited by the marketers

6:55was Van , which belongs to Luciano Hang ,

6:57a radical Bolsonaro supporter . The

7:02story fell like a bomb in the Bolsonaro

7:04bunker . First , because the messages

7:06could be considered part of the

7:08election campaign and had not been

7:10declared , which is prohibited . Secondly

7:12, because they had been paid by

7:14companies , which was also prohibited .

7:17And thirdly , because mass messaging

7:19could only be used to promote a

7:21candidate , never to defame the opponent

7:23, which had also been done . In other

7:26words , all this noise could constitute

7:28a crime of abuse of economic power ,

7:30which ultimately could result in the

7:32annulment of the Bolsonaro-Mourão

7:33ticket . And then I published the story

7:36and the reaction was fierce .

7:39A campaign to deconstruct my person

7:40began .

7:42The first step was to unearth an

7:43interview that Patrícia had given to

7:45students in 2013 , when she was still an

7:48international reporter and didn't cover

7:50Brazilian politics .

7:51A student had asked me : " How do you

7:53define your political opinion ? "

7:54I am a leftist . I am a leftist . I will

7:57always support the PT ( Workers ' Party ) .

7:59And now I'll just make a half-hearted

8:00apology here that I think it's a

8:02mistake for a journalist to declare

8:03their vote . I think it's a mistake ,

8:06everyone votes for someone , but I think

8:08it affects how our work is viewed ,

8:10right ?

8:11And the internet doesn't forget .

8:12And they made it go viral . A really

8:15massive thing of " oh communist , PT

8:17supporter , this lying article , there's

8:19no proof . " But , you can't tell where

8:23this smear campaign came from ,

8:26this great beauty and the great danger

8:28of social media is that everything is

8:29very decentralized , right ? So , you had

8:32several Bolsonaro-supporting

8:34influencers , right ? Real influencers

8:37with many followers . And we don't know

8:40who's spreading this , right ? Because

8:43you can't know who's spreading the

8:44memes . For example , one of the things

8:49they spread was a photo of a blonde

8:50woman with then-candidate Fernando

8:52Haddad saying : " Look , the journalist

8:54Patrícia Campos Mão was me . " But that

9:05, dear listeners , was the mild part .

9:11Insults , etc. But then in the days that

9:19followed , things started to get weird .

9:23First , they sent a message talking

9:25about my son .

9:26At the time , Patricia's son was 6 years

9:29old and

9:30said , " Ah , if you want your son's

9:32safety , it's better to leave the

9:33country . This isn't a threat , it's a

9:36warning . " Then they started calling my

9:40cell phone , saying they were going to

9:41destroy my face , something like that .

9:51In other words , they had my cell phone

9:52number , they knew I had a son . Then

9:57they started sending messages in

9:59Bolsonaro supporter groups , saying

10:00things like , " At public events I was

10:02going to do , so-and-so , the communist

10:04journalist , is going to be somewhere ,

10:06at whatever time , go there to confront

10:08her . " And then it got very , very scary ,

10:15you know ? I usually think that internet

10:20lunatics stay on the internet , right ?

10:23They're just internet bullies , but when

10:25it starts migrating to real life , and

10:27then the newspaper thought it best to

10:28have someone with me , like a bodyguard ,

10:30just for that , you know ? I don't know

10:33if I was going to leave at any point ,

10:35if some crazy person was going to throw

10:37a glass at my face , something like that

10:38.

10:41Besides the threats of the smear

10:43campaign , there was some skepticism

10:45about mass messaging .

10:46People were saying things like , " Oh no ,

10:48that doesn't exist . Mass messaging is

10:50made up . "

10:51But Patrícia Campos Melo kept pulling

10:53the thread . After the first scoop , she

10:58published another report about a

11:00proposal

11:00for the PSDB ( Brazilian Social

11:02Democracy Party ) .

11:04Then , in partnership with reporter

11:06Artur Rodrigues , she decided to use

11:08another trick often employed by

11:10investigative reporters ,

11:15which is to check the companies '

11:16records to see if they had any labor

11:18lawsuits ,

11:18in this case , the companies that sold

11:20mass messaging packages .

11:22And there were some ; we tracked down

11:24the people who were suing , and one of

11:26them was this Mr.

11:28Hans River do Rio do Nascimento ,

11:30who was suing the Iacaus agency . It was

11:33a lawsuit where he was claiming

11:34overtime pay that he said hadn't been

11:36paid .

11:36And attached to the case file was a

11:38journalistic goldmine .

11:41To prove his work , he attached several

11:43photos , you know , of what the room

11:44looked like , what the cell phones

11:46looked like , the SIM card boxes , and

11:48several message exchanges with the

11:50agency owners . Then I contacted him ,

11:53sent a WhatsApp message , and said : "

11:55Look , uh , I know you're pursuing a

11:57labor lawsuit , I'm doing a story on

11:59digital marketing . I'd like to talk to

12:01you about the lawsuit . " And he agreed .

12:05So I went to meet him at a bakery near

12:06his house . He said : " You can record it ,

12:09you can put my name on it . "

12:11I asked Patricia to give more details

12:12about this first contact , because after

12:14Hans River's videos came out in the

12:16press , his slightly high-pitched voice ,

12:18his somewhat sideways glance , the

12:20flowery shirts with four buttons undone

12:22during a formal deposition , everything

12:24there seemed a bit shady . I was very

12:26careful , because the messages showed

12:28the company owners saying things like :

12:30" Oh , you don't show up for work , and so

12:32on . " When I arrived , the first thing he

12:36said was : " Oh , I don't have money , I

12:38have to pay child support and I'm

12:39diabetic , I don't have money to buy

12:41insulin , can you give me some ? " I said :

12:44" Sure , R $ 20 , right ? " " I did it like I

12:47would with anyone , right ? Like I've

12:48done many times in my life , you know ,

12:50covering refugees . But , well ,

12:52everything was kind of , you know ? Kind

12:54of convoluted , dragging on . So much so

12:57that we only included in the report

12:59what was absolutely documented , right ?

13:03Either with the spreadsheet he gave me

13:05or with photos .

13:06Furthermore , in this report , no

13:08politician was mentioned

13:09because this guy didn't have access ,

13:11right ? He was the guy who was there

13:13pressing the button to send the mass

13:14messages . So what he explained , and

13:18what we put in the article , was this

13:20operation that had software that was a

13:21WhatsApp simulator where you put the

13:23cell phones or SIM cards with multiple

13:25SIM cards stuck together . Then you

13:29needed lists of CPF numbers ( Brazilian

13:31tax ID ) to register the SIM cards . And

13:34how did all this work ? So I was very

13:37careful not to write anything based

13:38solely on what he was saying . But then ,

13:41in fact , we investigated , he spoke , he

13:43came back to the newspaper later

13:45wanting to see , he met with me and

13:46Artur , everything was fine , because for

13:48him ... " He was interested ; he wanted to

13:50reach a labor agreement with the

13:52company . He did all that , passed all

13:54the materials to us . Then one day we

13:56said , " Look , we're going to call the

13:58agency owners because we need to hear

13:59the other side , we need to hear their

14:01side . " So we called and asked , we spoke

14:04to one of them , a press officer they

14:06had hired , and we said , " Look , we're

14:08doing a story , this and that involves

14:10this employee , this is moving this and

14:12that . "

14:12A day later , even before the report was

14:15published ,

14:15he sent a message saying , " I don't want

14:17you to publish anything anymore . I

14:19don't want it anymore , take back

14:20everything I said , I don't want you to

14:22publish it . " Then I said , " Well , we

14:24need to understand why you passed all

14:25the evidence to us , right ? What

14:27happened ? You're being threatened , you

14:29need to talk , you can talk to the

14:30police , right ? " He didn't answer , he

14:32just kept saying , " I don't want to talk

14:33, I don't want to talk . " Then we went

14:35to the Labor Court website , he had

14:36reached an agreement with the company ,

14:38if I'm not mistaken it was R $ 10,000 ,

14:39and that's why he didn't want to talk .

14:41So we wrote , well , we're not going to

14:43be used to close a labor agreement for

14:44you , right ? You provided all the

14:46evidence , you spoke on the record ,

14:48everything is recorded , etc. And then

14:50we did the story . Obviously , I thought

14:52the guy wasn't very happy , but he never

14:54said anything again . Then , in February

14:56of this year , during a session of the

14:58Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry

15:00into fake news , which is about a

15:01network of disinformation and

15:03dissemination of false news , I was

15:04covering something else , but there was

15:06a colleague there , and when he started

15:08talking , uh , he told a lot of lies ,

15:10right ? He lied from beginning to end .

15:12He said that I had contacted him , he

15:14hadn't said it was to talk about the

15:15lawsuit . Uh , then we had all the

15:19messages saying that and that I wanted

15:21a story in exchange for sex . And when I

15:25arrived at the FIA in São Paulo , when

15:27she heard the refusal , the dismissal I

15:29gave , I made it clear that it wasn't in

15:31my interest for someone to want a

15:33certain type of story in exchange for

15:35sex , that wasn't my intention . My

15:38intention was to be heard .

15:39And it was all so absurd

15:41that at first , obviously , I got very

15:43nervous because it was a horrible thing

15:44, you know , someone saying that and

15:46lying in a Parliamentary Commission of

15:48Inquiry . But on the other hand , since I

15:51had everything absolutely documented , I

15:53kind of calmed down , an inner peace

15:55that made me think , well , I'll get to

15:56the newsroom and do a story showing all

15:58the evidence , I'll open the recordings ,

16:00it's all there , right ? Everything's

16:03fine . And the guy lied in the

16:04Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry ,

16:06it's a crime . But in the meantime , uh ,

16:09Congressman Eduardo Bolsonaro made a

16:11video about it , tweeted it , then he

16:12went to the Chamber's plenary session ,

16:14and he said ,

16:16let's leave aside the issue of

16:18Patrícia Campos Melo and the sexual

16:20innuendo . Let's get to the facts that

16:22matter . From then on ,

16:23all the Bolsonaro-supporting

16:24congressmen ,

16:25the trolls , the bots , and the most

16:27fervent social media activists went

16:29into action .

16:29It turned into a massacre , right ?

16:32Because , I don't know , in a short time

16:35you had millions of memes , pornographic

16:37montages , a naked woman's body , and a

16:39photo of my face , uh , embracing a photo

16:41with the face of the witness . Then ,

16:44when it seemed like things couldn't get

16:46any worse , she wanted , she wanted a

16:48scoop .

16:49When President Bolsonaro amplified this

16:52again , right , when he made that uh

16:54sexual joke , right , with me ,

16:57she wanted a scoop .

17:01Then there were messages from people

17:03saying : " You deserve to be raped from

17:05there down . " We're learning that the

17:22bottom of the gas station has a

17:24basement , right ? This slightly nervous

17:27laugh is from lawyer Mariana Valente . I

17:29spoke with her because , in addition to

17:31being the director of the Internet Lab ,

17:33a multidisciplinary research center on

17:35the internet , she's a professor at

17:37Insper , a researcher at Cebrap , and a

17:39scholar of digital hate speech against

17:41women .

17:42This involves a series of things that

17:43already exist and are already enshrined

17:45in law . So , threatening someone isn't

17:49new , right ? That's always been

17:51prohibited , it's always existed .

17:53Extorting someone too . Defaming someone

17:57too , but suddenly there's a possibility

17:58of doing it in an organized way , which

18:00is something that hasn't yet gained a

18:02proper expression . For example ,

18:06stalking — we don't even have a word

18:08for it in Portuguese . We have a

18:13provision in the penal code for a kind

18:15of obsessive pursuit , but stalking ,

18:16which is relentlessly pursuing someone ,

18:18is something that has become much more

18:20possible through the internet . So , it

18:26seems that hate speech against women

18:28could also be the case , right ? Suddenly

18:33we see it being presented in a very

18:35organized way and with a new importance

18:36. Finally , it's not at all a

18:43demonization of the internet ,

18:45especially because these things have

18:46emerged as a response to the

18:48possibility of new voices being able to

18:50express themselves and gain traction in

18:52the virtual environment because of the

18:53open architecture , right , where anyone

18:55can start writing and be heard . And I

19:02wanted to take this opportunity to

19:04briefly comment that we talk about open

19:05architecture , but most of these

19:07communications are happening on

19:08platforms that have their own

19:10architecture , right ? So we have to put

19:13a caveat in this open architecture

19:15story to get to the point I know you've

19:16been making

19:17here . Of course , we're mainly talking

19:20about them , our little friends ,

19:21algorithms that reward hate ,

19:23polarization , and performative activism

19:25. And if you don't know what I'm

19:27talking about , go back two spaces , or

19:29rather two episodes , and it will all

19:31become much clearer . In any case ,

19:33regardless of the platform ,

19:35if there's something common to all

19:37these manifestations of the New Right ,

19:39conservative movements , these online

19:41articulations , it's anti-feminism .

19:45Feminism is seen by different groups as

19:47something pernicious from different

19:48perspectives , right ? From very

19:57conservative people , who see feminism

19:59as destroying the family and values , to

20:01those with other perspectives , not

20:03necessarily of that type of

20:05conservatism , who believe that feminism

20:07colonizes political discussions and

20:09online debates ... in short , it's very

20:11common , and recently in Brazil , it's

20:13very much linked to the upper echelons

20:15of power . We saw this ridicule during

20:27Jair Bolsonaro's campaign , and we've

20:29seen people connected to him , from his

20:31family , perpetuating this type of

20:33manifestation . And with that , I don't

20:40mean to say that they are the only

20:42sexist figures in Brazilian politics ,

20:43not at all . But we've seen a

20:48normalization of this type of discourse

20:50and behavior that has spread . I think

20:55it's even worth mentioning something

20:57from a personal perspective : this

20:58research on hate speech against women ,

21:00when we conceived the project ,

21:01about two years ago , it

21:03wasn't dangerous , for example , to talk

21:05about these issues , as it has become .

21:08This has made many people think twice

21:10before talking about certain subjects

21:12or touching on certain things . These

21:15were some decisions we had to make as a

21:17team throughout this project . I mean ,

21:20look , this is very important , but we

21:22have to approach it very carefully , or

21:24not address it at all , thinking about

21:26safety .

21:26And did you avoid addressing any topics

21:28because of this , Mariana ? Look , I'm

21:32very interested , for example , in

21:34understanding how the chans are

21:36organizing themselves around misogyny ,

21:38but doing research with a solid

21:40foundation is very complicated . And so ,

21:44it's not a personal decision of mine ,

21:46right ? It's a decision that involves

21:48the safety of the people on my team .

21:51We're talking about very violent

21:53attacks , right ? happening to people ,

21:56frightening people . Addressing these

22:10issues in Brazil today involves risks ,

22:12and part of those risks is associated

22:14with a normalization of this type of

22:24individualization of the people who

22:26write , right , an intimidation , and

22:27that's linked to how powerful people

22:29endorse this type of behavior . Of

22:35course , this sends a message , right ?

22:38People's behavior isn't just linked to

22:40what's prohibited by law and what isn't

22:42. And the normalization of this form of

22:45violence is precisely what we're trying

22:50to study , precisely what we're trying

22:51to understand . And then suddenly all of

22:54this involves new risks , right ? And a

22:59very difficult scenario to understand ,

23:00and one that everyone is focusing on ,

23:02and in the heat of the moment it's

23:04difficult to have the distance to be

23:05able to talk about it from a research

23:07point of view , even more so when your

23:09research involves taking risks , right ?

23:12We've

23:12seen that the attacks aren't just

23:14against women , right ? There's a

23:17hostility towards journalism and

23:18journalists that's far greater than

23:20under other governments .

23:22Patricia Campos Melo is back .

23:24No government likes the press , right ?

23:26It's not our job to be darlings ,

23:29but after Bolsonaro came to power ,

23:31this becomes very personalized , right ?

23:34And much more aggressive towards women .

23:37The type of language and the level of

23:39aggression towards women is much higher

23:41, right ? Well , they rarely say things

23:43like , " Oh , your article is rubbish or

23:45your article is wrong . That's part of

23:47the game , it's welcome and necessary .

23:48We make mistakes and need to correct

23:50them , right ? " But what they will say is

23:53, " Oh , you're old , you're ugly , you're

23:55fat , you offer sex , your family is this

23:57and that , your son is that and that . "

24:00It's a type of attack whose ultimate

24:02goal is to serve as censorship . Because

24:07if we write investigative articles and

24:09we know that every time we publish

24:10something like that it will become an

24:12attack , it's obvious that we're going

24:13to stop and think , and that will

24:15function in a way as self-censorship . I

24:18don't think so , I haven't stopped

24:20writing anything , but obviously every

24:22time I'm going to publish an article of

24:24this type , I'm afraid , right ? Because I

24:26don't know where the attack is coming

24:27from , the function is intimidation . And

24:30you always have a segment of the

24:32population that wants to free itself

24:33from the yoke of political

24:35incorrectness . So , suddenly , you have a

24:39The government and several politicians

24:41who are openly misogynistic will always

24:43attack by exploiting this kind of

24:45ingrained prejudice in a segment of the

24:47population , which is exactly what they

24:49want . So , it explodes , right ? It

24:52becomes something , it's always these

24:54things , or it's a woman , right , a woman

24:56who has a voice , who is chosen , right ?

24:58How so ? A woman who has a voice , she

25:00doesn't fit in . Uh , or it's some member

25:04of a minority , or it's a Black person ,

25:06or it's a trans person , or it's an LGBT

25:08person , or a woman .

25:11How old was your son at the time of

25:13this article , Pata ?

25:13So , in 2018 , he was 6 years old .

25:16Old enough to understand , but not to

25:18protect himself , right ? He saw , he saw

25:21one of those , he saw a video , right ? He

25:24found a video , he was 7 years old , but

25:27thinking about it today , that video was

25:29OK , right ? Of course , it's horrible ,

25:32it's a guy calling me a . It's

25:35awful . But imagine if he had found it ,

25:38and I hope he never does . Find any of

25:41those porn videos or porn memes ,

25:43there's no way to explain that to a

25:45child , right ? It's impossible . That

25:49will never be erased . That garbage will

25:51stay on the internet forever . Just like

26:12the traditional kind of advertising

26:14that Gebus did on the people's radio ,

26:16mass messaging campaigns done via

26:18WhatsApp work with the idea of

26:19repetition . Once a narrative is created

26:25about a certain theme — a penis-shaped

26:27piece of wood , satanist pedophiles ,

26:29Miriam Leitão's false participation in

26:31a bank robbery — that narrative is

26:33spread massively and repeatedly . It's

26:42called fire hosing , that verb derived

26:44from the English term fire hose . We

26:47talked about it in the previous episode

26:49. By the way , again , if you haven't

26:51listened to the first two chapters of

26:53the series , I recommend them , because

26:55here , as in good conspiracy theories ,

26:57everything is connected . This

27:03repetition of the same message

27:05basically serves to create familiarity ,

27:07to make people get used to that idea .

27:10And once something is imprinted in our

27:12heads as truth , it's very difficult to

27:14change it . But despite these While

27:19similar to traditional advertising ,

27:21WhatsApp has some characteristics that

27:23make things different . To begin with ,

27:25the bulk of messages are exchanged

27:26between people who know each other .

27:28This means that these messages usually

27:30arrive with a seal of authenticity . I

27:33say usually because the opposite also

27:35happens . Almost everyone has that one

27:37type of person who isn't blocked just

27:39to avoid even more awkwardness at the

27:41next family Christmas dinner , if we

27:42ever have family dinners again , or if

27:44we ever do again at Christmas . But

27:46anyway , besides arriving through

27:48acquaintances , many of these messages

27:49arrive through groups . If you're in a

27:52group , especially a political group ,

27:53you're likely to agree with the general

27:55ideology circulating there . In other

27:58words , if you're in a Bolsonaro group ,

28:00you're more likely to accept the idea

28:02that Miranda Leitão is a communist

28:04thief than if you're in a PT group .

28:10These particularities were noticed very

28:12early on by Bolsonaro , actually by his

28:14son , Carlos Bolsonaro , who saw this

28:16phenomenon being exploited in campaigns

28:18abroad and decided to apply it to his

28:20father's communication strategy . It

28:22took years to create ... and cultivating

28:24groups within a broad and complex web

28:26through which much of Bolsonaro's

28:28communication flows today . But there's

28:32another important difference between

28:34this postmodern " radio of the people "

28:36of Bolsonaro and the original " radio of

28:38the people " of Hitler . Unlike what

28:40happened in Nazi Germany , today it's

28:42impossible to know what's being

28:43transmitted by this network of

28:45orchestrated groups and unsuspecting

28:47simpletons . Patrícia Campos Melo

28:48doesn't know and will never know how

28:50many people received pornographic

28:52montages with her face . She doesn't

28:54even know if these messages are still

28:56circulating now , while we retrace the

28:57steps of the path she began more than

28:59two years ago . A path that didn't stop

29:04with this broad campaign of

29:05intimidation and demoralization . But

29:07before moving forward , Patrícia Campos

29:10Melo decided to take an action that we

29:12journalists rarely take . She decided to

29:14counterattack , and not only in the

29:16pages of newspapers . She decided to sue

29:18Hans River do Nascimento .

29:20The guy lied in a Parliamentary

29:21Commission of Inquiry . His lie led to a

29:24virtual sacrifice of offense ... " It's

29:26about honor , right ? And the president

29:29of the Republic ,

29:30and he went there and repeated it , he

29:32amplified it . He already knew it was a

29:34lie , we had already proven it was a lie

29:36. And if we only sued Hans , it would be

29:39kind of unfair , right ? You're only

29:42going to punish the guy who isn't the

29:44powerful , lying guy , etc. He offended

29:46my honor , I'm going to sue . But when

29:49President Bolsonaro said that , and

29:50since he had already been involved in

29:52many attacks against the press , and

29:54what he said generated something very

29:56aggressive against me , then we decided

29:57to sue ,

29:58and Patrícia started pulling the

30:00threads of this web of illegal attacks

30:01again . And the clue to the next thread

30:08came to her in an audio recording made

30:10during a lunch in Spain . I had a source

30:16who called me and said : ' Look , I was at

30:19lunch , there's a guy here who has an

30:21agency in Spain , this guy had already

30:24done it , he did mass messaging for

30:26several parties there , he did it for

30:29Podemos , he did it for the PSO . ' "

30:32According to the source , this Spanish

30:34marketer named Luiz Novoa claimed that

30:36his company's programs had been used

30:38for mass messaging during the Brazilian

30:40elections . So I kept pressing him , and

30:42he sent me the audio .

30:43In the audio , Luiz Novoa actually said

30:45that Brazilian companies were using his

30:47system , that he didn't know about it ,

30:49that WhatsApp started taking down

30:51accounts , and that's why he

30:52investigated and found that 80-90 % of

30:54the Brazilian agencies working with his

30:56system were running political campaigns

30:58. In the audio , you could hear someone

31:00asking if these messages were linked to

31:02any political party , and I didn't

31:04answer . They were campaigns for

31:05Bolsonaro .

31:07We went to verify this ; I trusted the

31:09source , but I needed to confirm it ,

31:11right ? I needed to confirm all this

31:15information with the guy . I couldn't

31:17publish a story based solely on an

31:18audio recording . And I was about to

31:21take a trip where I was first going to

31:23India to cover the Indian election .

31:26From there , Patrícia would take a

31:27plane to participate in an event in the

31:29United Kingdom before returning to

31:31cover the end of the Indian elections .

31:32Well , you know how it is , the life of

31:34an international correspondent . And

31:42then when I was in London , I told the

31:44newspaper : " Look , I'm going to give an

31:46insert . " I found the address , an

31:52address the guy had on the internet , it

31:54was in La Coruña . I took a budget

32:03flight there with a company called

32:04Voiling . I found a really cheap , shabby

32:08guesthouse , because that's what it was ,

32:10you know ? And I could go broke , right ?

32:14So I couldn't spend too much money on

32:16the newspaper's budget either .

32:18The life of an international

32:19correspondent , please don't confuse it

32:21with the life of an international spy .

32:31And then I went to the address I had , I

32:32went to do a call . I thought it was his

32:35office . Then I found out it was his

32:36house . I sat in a café that was right

32:41in front of the gate of the house and

32:43waited there eating Ramon Serrano ,

32:44drinking Coca-Cola Zero .

32:48In the end , Luís Novoa didn't show up ,

32:50so we went to plan B. She sent a

32:52message introducing herself as a

32:53journalist , saying she was covering the

32:55Indian elections and wanted to talk off

32:58the record , or unofficially , about his

33:00work on political campaigns . So

33:02I went to have coffee with him , and I

33:03told him , " Look , I'm just going to

33:04record this , you know , " and he said , "

33:06Okay . " And then he confirmed everything

33:07.

33:07This off-the-record conversation

33:09couldn't be used , but it confirmed that

33:11the audio was genuine and added to

33:13another probable crime in the Bolsonaro

33:15campaign : hiring foreign companies

33:16without representatives in Brazil ,

33:18which is prohibited by electoral law .

33:20Obviously , the guy wasn't very happy at

33:22that moment , and said , " No , but I'm

33:23going to deny it , I'm going to deny it .

33:25" I said , " Well , you can deny it , but

33:27you said this in the audio , you said

33:29this here , and so on . " And that was it ,

33:31did it

33:32prove it ?

33:33Yes .

33:40And then there's one last anecdote ,

33:41which is the story of when you were at

33:43the Gabo Festival , right ? Covering

33:45something that had nothing to do with

33:47the subject , and suddenly there was

33:48another scoop , right ? Yes , totally . We

33:50were there , I went to participate in

33:52the Gabo Festival .

33:53The Gabo Festival is an annual

33:55journalism event that takes place in

33:57Medellín , Colombia , in 2019. It

33:59happened on October 4th . I

34:01was even with a friend , Cristina

34:02Tardágila , who is from the

34:04international network of fact-checkers .

34:06At

34:06this event , there was a panel with a

34:08public policy manager from WhatsApp .

34:10Patricia , of course , went to watch

34:12because it was an interesting topic and

34:13very relevant to the work she had been

34:15doing in recent months , but she

34:16couldn't even imagine the bombshell she

34:18would receive in the middle of the

34:20presentation .

34:21The guy spoke as if nothing had

34:23happened , saying , " WhatsApp was used

34:25irregularly and massively during the

34:26Brazilian election , in an attempt to

34:28influence the Brazilian election . " And

34:33that was something that WhatsApp hadn't

34:34said for a year ; it was the first

34:36admission they made , right ? I even

34:39remembered , I looked at Cris's face ,

34:41she looked at mine , like , " He's saying

34:43what we're hearing , " and then we , I did

34:45the story .

34:55This official confirmation was kind of

34:57the icing on the cake of this whole

34:59series of reports about irregular

35:00messaging . Because at the beginning of

35:04the articles , people literally said I

35:05was lying , that mass messaging didn't

35:07exist , that it was all a lie , right ?

35:09That I was saying this because I was a

35:10communist , or something like that . So

35:13the day WhatsApp itself admitted it ,

35:14they completely changed their behavior ,

35:16right ? For example , in April they sued

35:21one of the agencies I denounced in the

35:23article because they were still doing

35:25mass messaging , which violates

35:26WhatsApp's terms of service , right ?

35:28Yeah , but it was super unexpected . And

35:37in the end , can we say more or less

35:38what the impact of this whole system

35:40was on the elections ? That's the

35:42million-dollar question . There's no

35:47quantitative study that proves or shows

35:49that a disinformation campaign , whether

35:51it's a trending hashtag , a false meme ,

35:53or a WhatsApp campaign , can change

35:55someone's vote . The election in Brazil

36:01was decided by WhatsApp . Quantitatively

36:03, you can't say that . What you can say

36:07is that this type of disinformation

36:08campaign always favors a certain type

36:10of candidate , the extremist candidate ,

36:12right ? Never the moderate , because

36:17these campaigns exacerbate polarization

36:19, they always help to demonize certain

36:21segments of society . A classic populist

36:25strategy , right ? And with that , those

36:30who win aren't the centrist candidates ,

36:32but the more extreme candidates , those

36:33populists who know how to use these

36:35instruments , these digital marketing

36:37tools .

36:40And Pata , in the end , how do you see it

36:42? Because in journalism , there are few

36:45moments when we can see any reflection

36:47of the stories in the real world , right

36:48? How do you see the responses to all

36:53the work you've done , both from civil

36:55society and the justice system ? When

36:58the articles were published , they

36:59politicized the matter a lot , right ?

37:01Both sides , right ? The side of

37:04then-candidate Jair Bolsonaro , saying

37:06it was a lie and that I was this and

37:08that , and the other side clinging to

37:09that to try to change the election

37:11result . And at that moment , I think the

37:14authorities — I don't know exactly , I

37:16don't know how to interpret what

37:17happened — but the fact is that they

37:19didn't conduct searches and seizures ,

37:21they didn't break anyone's

37:22confidentiality . So , at that moment ,

37:24which was the moment they could have

37:25investigated , they didn't . And then , a

37:27coalition led by the PT and another by

37:29the PDT filed requests for

37:31investigation , they filed lawsuits in

37:32the TSE ( Superior Electoral Court ) ,

37:34which are four lawsuits that are still

37:36pending today , right ? But these

37:40lawsuits moved very slowly all this

37:42time until I think there was a moment

37:44after WhatsApp itself admitted it , and

37:45then two months later you had the TSE

37:47changing the rules , right ? So , these

37:53two were concrete results , and this

37:55coincided with a moment when I think

37:57Brazilian society , and also societies

37:59in other parts of the world , realized

38:01the potential for damage from

38:02disinformation campaigns , not only

38:04through WhatsApp , but through various

38:06means . So you had several things

38:08happening at the same time . You had the

38:10Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry

38:12into Fake News , which also began to

38:13uncover a lot of information . You had

38:15the Supreme Federal Court ( STF )

38:17investigations , without going into the

38:19merits of whether the investigation was

38:21correct or not . But these are things

38:23that began to investigate , reopening

38:24the process of evidence production at

38:26the Superior Electoral Court ( TSE ) . So

38:28those investigations that were

38:30completely paralyzed at least began to

38:32investigate because everyone had

38:33requested the production of evidence ,

38:36which is like : " Oh , we want you to

38:37interrogate people , break

38:39confidentiality , " etc. None of that had

38:41been done . So , in a way , I think there

38:44was a reflection , which is one of the

38:46few things in the fake news bill that

38:48is a settled point : prohibiting mass

38:50dissemination . So I think that had some

38:53effect . The problem is that with

38:55misinformation , you can plug one hole

38:57only to have another one come out ,

38:59right ? So maybe WhatsApp isn't such a

39:02big problem in this municipal election

39:04right now , but they'll find something

39:06else , right ? And there needs to be some

39:09kind of accountability for those who

39:11finance this type of campaign . It's not

39:14about criminalizing the average

39:15WhatsApp user , right ? But whoever is

39:19funding this kind of thing needs to be

39:20held accountable .

39:22This accountability isn't simple

39:24because it's a new and complex

39:26phenomenon that we don't understand ,

39:28and those who judge it don't understand

39:30either . Supreme Court Justice Luís

39:32Roberto Barroso , for example , even

39:34ordered WhatsApp to disclose all the

39:36boosted campaigns already done for the

39:38Bolsonaro-Mourão ticket , which , no

39:40matter how much goodwill the company

39:41had , would be impossible for the simple

39:44reason that WhatsApp doesn't boost

39:45anything . But the problem is even more

39:48complicated because the truth is that

39:50even those creating these technologies

39:51can't predict how they will unfold over

39:53time . Earlier this month , Twitter CEO

39:56Jack Dorsey gave an interview to the

39:59New York Times Daily podcast . Listen to

40:03the man's stammering when asked about

40:05Twitter's proposed solutions for

40:07dealing with smear campaigns , hate

40:09speech , and so on . " For me , it's a

40:17constant interaction , a constant

40:19pressure to be one step ahead of how

40:21people might use this negatively , deal

40:23with it , and then see the potential new

40:26negative uses . If we try to create a

40:29perfect system that , in quotes , solves

40:31the problem , we're going to do it wrong

40:33. Okay , but if a company like Cambridge

40:38Analytica can manipulate the data of

40:40millions of people to influence an

40:42election , can't these tech giants use

40:45the same brilliant algorithms to stop

40:47hate speech , smear campaigns , etc. ? The

40:52answer , once again , is complicated , but

40:54come with me , give me your hand , and

40:56we'll come out on the other side

40:58understanding everything a little

40:59better . At least I hope so . " Anyway , in

41:02this case , we have to start or continue

41:05talking about Cambridge Analytica . We

41:07even talked about it in previous

41:09episodes , about how brilliant it is ,

41:11how it studied thousands of data points

41:13on tens of millions of Americans for

41:15Trump . But to what extent was that

41:16really the case ? When Cambridge

41:19Analytica says , " I managed to elect

41:21Donald Trump , "

41:22Mariana Ana Valente from Internet Lab

41:24replies , it's

41:27also selling its service , talking about

41:28how powerful it is , and buying into

41:30that discourse without a bit more

41:32critical thinking is buying into its

41:34service . There are other fields doing

41:39research on political radicalization

41:41and associating it , for example , with

41:43increased inequality . So , I mean , it's

41:47a problem when we look at technology ,

41:50being excessively technocentric .

41:53It's that old story , if you only have a

41:55hammer , all your problems will look

41:57like nails . That being said ,

42:01this use of personal data , the

42:02profiling of people , the manipulation

42:05of emotions , is very frightening .

42:07And why don't we ask Uncle Marques

42:09Zuckerberg to create a great algorithm

42:11for good that brings peace to the

42:12networks ? One of the arguments that

42:15platforms most often bring up regarding

42:17the difficulty of moderation is the

42:18lack of context . Often , the use of a

42:21word in one context is fine , but in

42:23another context it's not . We recently

42:27conducted research at Internet Lab that

42:29analyzed an algorithm that analyzes

42:31hate speech , or rather , speech toxicity

42:33. The research looked at some drag

42:39queen profiles and found that in many

42:41cases , the drag queens ' speeches were

42:42considered more toxic than those of

42:44some white supremacists . And this had

42:49to do with the words they were using ,

42:51which is all about context , right ? For

42:54example , in Portuguese , you might say :

42:57" Ai , viado , " a word that in one context

43:00can be very toxic , but in another

43:01context , depending on who is speaking

43:03and to whom , can be a friendly way to

43:06say it . So , it's not simple for an

43:09algorithm to determine whether content

43:11is toxic or not , and the possibility of

43:13error is high . I know of some cases of

43:17anti-racist activists , for example , who

43:19were blocked because their content was

43:21considered racist , racist against white

43:23people . How do you solve this , right ?

43:26You have to solve it with more

43:28investment .

43:29And this investment , according to

43:30Mariana Valente , would have to be

43:32channeled into one of the most reliable

43:35machines we know : humans who spend

43:36hours in front of a computer analyzing

43:39countless complaints , work that

43:40consists of frequent contact with hate

43:43speech , torture videos , child

43:44pornography , murders , suicides , and

43:46everything else obscure that the human

43:48mind is capable of producing . And to

43:50complicate matters , this phenomenon

43:52happens on a global scale .

43:54There are many complaints in Brazil

43:56about the fact that platforms don't

43:57allow showing female nipples , right ?

44:00Many platforms . And the responses that

44:04often come are , " Oh , but we're in some

44:06countries where showing a shoulder is

44:08considered indecent , and we have to

44:10have a global rule . "

44:12In Brazil , this confusion between

44:14justice and companies , between what is

44:16possible and what is not , became very

44:18evident in that saga of the WhatsApp

44:20blockages ,

44:21which were done because WhatsApp

44:23wouldn't deliver content that WhatsApp

44:24didn't have .

44:26On the other hand ,

44:27if you want us to trust you , you have

44:29to give us reasons , right ? And we have

44:31to be able to audit your code . For

44:35example , last week I interviewed the

44:37CEO of WhatsApp for an event and I

44:38asked precisely this question : How are

44:40we going to know that it actually works

44:42the way you're saying it works if you

44:44don't make the code available to be

44:46audited ?

44:48And what did he say ? He said that they

44:52have transparency mechanisms today that

44:54they open up for specific audits and

44:56everything , but that they are committed

44:58to opening up the code more in the

44:59future .

45:02The answer then was tomorrow . Not today

45:04, but tomorrow we promise to improve .

45:07He committed . I think he committed

45:09publicly . That's great . We can hold him

45:12accountable . Facebook is very different

45:24from WhatsApp , which is very different

45:26from Forchan , but they all have in

45:27common the proximity between the person

45:29who produces the message and the person

45:31who receives it . Bolsonaro no longer

45:33needs Globo Network to talk to the

45:35people , he has Twitter . I mean , he has

45:39much more than Twitter . Over the last

45:45decade , with Carlucho at the helm , the

45:47Bolsonaro family has built a parallel

45:50communications empire with its own

45:52language : controversial , mocking , and

45:54politically incorrect , created in

45:56anonymous forums and Orkut communities ;

45:59its own content , inspired by American

46:01conspiracy theories , repackaged by the

46:04likes of Olavo de Carvalho ; and ,

46:06finally , its own medium , not composed

46:08of a fixed network like Globo or Fox

46:11News's affiliates . Instead , it's a

46:15mutant web spanning multiple platforms ,

46:17most clearly seen in WhatsApp messaging

46:20campaigns . First , organized groups

46:23initiate the message to be reproduced .

46:26Then , millions of supporters spread

46:27across the country continue to relay

46:29this message until it finally reaches

46:31that uncle you try to avoid at

46:33Christmas dinner . What's every

46:40politician's dream , right ? To be able

46:43to communicate directly with your

46:44supporters , your voters , without the

46:46media interfering . So , this thing about

46:50strengthening communication through

46:52social media , including using bots ,

46:55trolls , etc. , delegitimizes the

46:57traditional press . On the other hand ,

47:04since his election , Bolsonaro has

47:06received relentless treatment from a

47:08large part of the press . I would say

47:10it's the majority . The corruption

47:12scandals , the nefarious relationships

47:14with militias , the stupid statements ,

47:16the disregard for the deaths of more

47:18than 100,000 Brazilians have been

47:20repeated even by more conservative

47:21media outlets , such as Rede Globo and

47:23Estado de São Paulo . And what happens

47:26to the president's popularity ? It goes

47:30up . In fact , while I'm recording this

47:32podcast , it's at its highest point .

47:35Four out of ten Brazilians think Jair

47:37Bolsonaro's government is great or good

47:39, according to Datafolha . For those who

47:49have studied the subject , the increase

47:51in Bolsonaro's popularity is very much

47:53related to the R $ 600 emergency aid .

47:55This measure , which lifted many people

47:57out of poverty as if by magic , came to

47:59fruition mainly because of Congress .

48:02But the president , it seems , has

48:03managed to capitalize on this . I told

48:06part of this story here in episode 25 ,

48:08lessons from the coronavirus for the

48:10economy . In any case , beyond the aid

48:14since he was elected , Bolsonaro has a

48:17fixed , loyal base that has never been

48:19below 25 % . And this is intimately

48:25linked to this parallel communication

48:27system , which , in addition to all the

48:29characteristics I've already mentioned ,

48:31has one more that is perhaps the worst

48:33of all , the most hypocritical and the

48:35most difficult to confront .

48:38It's a form of communication that

48:39presents itself as anti-system . Mariana

48:42Valente .

48:43So I'm speaking to you , citizens , here

48:45directly on Twitter , because I don't

48:47need SECOM , I don't need to follow the

48:49bureaucratic rules of the state , I

48:51don't follow this system that only

48:52causes corruption and all that , right ?

48:56The cruelty of this stance is that the

48:58kickbacks in his son's office , the

49:00militia friends , the destruction of the

49:02Amazon , the genocidal inaction in the

49:03face of the pandemic , all of this is

49:05attributed to the system's conspiracies

49:07against the government .

49:11This is part of the election strategy

49:13and the constant mobilization of a

49:14segment of the electorate as a

49:16political strategy . A guy who spent so

49:21many years in the legislature , uh , all

49:24the things surrounding him , uh , that

49:26he's been accused of , but he manages to

49:28present himself as anti-establishment

49:30and convince people . Few sectors of

49:39Brazilian society can celebrate any

49:41progress under the Bolsonaro government

49:43. Deforestation in the Amazon grew by

49:4737 % last year . Gross domestic product

49:50fell by almost 10 % in the second quarter

49:52. The coronavirus pandemic remains out

49:54of control , but we don't even know the

49:56extent of the damage because there's no

49:58national testing standard , and even the

50:00data the government has is released in

50:02a confusing way . For some critics of

50:05Bolsonarism , the country is left to its

50:08own devices , without any plan , any

50:10project . On the other hand , perhaps the

50:13absence of a project is itself the

50:15project . Kenon's followers would

50:17certainly support this policy , and

50:19Olavo de Carvalho's followers are there

50:21supporting it .

50:23If there's anyone who's managing to

50:24carry out their project , it's Olavo ,

50:26right ?

50:27This is the journalist and writer Denis

50:29Russo Burgerman . If you listened to the

50:31last episode , you know he spent three

50:33months immersed in the

50:34pseudo-philosophy of conspiracy

50:35theorist Olavo de Carvalho .

50:37I don't think Bolsonaro has read his

50:38works . Bolsonaro , I don't think he's a

50:41person who reads books , but at least

50:43two of his sons considered him a great

50:45guru . Olavo said it was never his

50:49intention to influence the government .

50:52And I have no reason not to believe him

50:53on that point . I think it was never the

50:57center of his strategy to appoint

50:58ministers , for example . And what

51:02happened was that , probably , Eduardo

51:04called him and said : " Dude , we have to

51:06fight the culture war in the ministries

51:08, especially the Ministry of Education

51:10and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs . "

51:15Bolsonarism wanted the Olavo follower

51:17to occupy those positions , right ? Well ,

51:21I don't think Ernesto Araújo , Veles ,

51:24or Vintraub , who are ministers

51:26appointed by Olavo , were very close to

51:28Olavo . There's even a suspicion that

51:32Ernesto Araújo didn't think this way

51:34before . He just saw the opportunity . A

51:37little before Bolsonaro took office , he

51:39wrote the first text in which he

51:40reveals himself to be the Ernesto

51:42Araújo of today . But he had years and

51:43years at Itamaraty ( the Brazilian

51:45Ministry of Foreign Affairs ) before ,

51:46with a reputation for being discreet . I

51:47think we saw Bolsonarism rising to

51:49power and thought : " Man , this closeness

51:52with Olavo will be useful . " And Olavo

51:55has no idea who a good manager is . He's

51:59only focused on this culture war , this

52:01conspiracy theory . The enemy is

52:03cultural Marxism , there's no other

52:05problem in Brazil . That's the only

52:07problem . And so he appointed people he

52:10knew just because they were also , like

52:12him , furious against the power of the

52:13left that is dominating and oppressing

52:15Brazil . He is a very strong reference

52:21point for the most engaged wing of

52:23Bolsonarism , which is the wing that is

52:25very active on social media , especially

52:27on Twitter , but also on Facebook , and

52:29which nowadays we know is very much the

52:31barometer that the government uses to

52:32know if it's doing well or badly . They

52:37measure , to some extent , the approval

52:39of their administration through Twitter

52:41. And Olavo is very influential on

52:44these networks , not because he has many

52:46followers — Bolsonaro has many more

52:48followers than him — but because he is

52:50a figure who mobilizes people . He

52:52generates a lot of engagement , he

52:54cultivates this engagement , he spends

52:56the day on social media cultivating it .

52:59I think there must be many people who

53:01question this understanding , but the

53:02government understands that it is

53:04important to please this radical wing

53:06that follows Olavo . In general , the

53:09ministers he appointed have proven to

53:11be terrible managers , and you see that

53:13he continues to have the power to move

53:15pieces . It's a project that has nothing

53:27to do with public policies for Brazil .

53:29It's a project that only deals with

53:31this fictitious dimension of reality ,

53:33right ? With this conspiracy .

53:36The conspiracy is entrenched in the

53:38system , so the system has to be

53:40destroyed .

53:42It's a project that stems from the

53:44belief that all of Brazilian culture

53:46today is dominated by communists . And

53:49their project is to destroy this group

53:51that dominates . And so it's a project

53:55that's being carried out in several

53:57ministries , right ? Not only those that

54:00Olavo indicated , but the figure of

54:02Sales , for example . Sales is not the

54:04typical student of Olavo , far from it .

54:07Sales is not naive . He is not a guy who

54:09, as far as I know , believes in

54:11conspiracy theories . He is a guy who

54:13knows how to do business . He is a guy

54:15who works for the economic sectors that

54:17have power . But , you'll see what Sales '

54:20project is . It's the fight against

54:22cultural Marxism . It's , for example ,

54:24removing environmentalists from the

54:26Amazon , because environmentalists are

54:28guilty of environmental devastation .

54:32This is part of that conspiracy theory

54:34that basically says that all activism

54:37and all cultural influence is dominated

54:39by communists and that the only way to

54:41save Brazilian culture is by kind of

54:43destroying Brazilian culture , because

54:45it's dominated by communists . And so ,

54:59at the end of our short and disturbing

55:01journey through the depths of the

55:02internet , I arrive at the realization

55:04that , for me , is the most frightening

55:06of all . Because this language of

55:11violence , of political incorrectness ,

55:12of laughter in the face of the object ,

55:14which comes riddled with conspiracy

55:16theories and anti-establishment

55:17manifestos , was clearly one of the

55:19pillars for the political rise of the

55:21new right and Bolsonarism . It has also

55:23helped the government sustain itself in

55:25a strategy of keeping its base inflamed

55:27. But what's most frightening to me is

55:29that this language , in a way , has

55:31dictated the course of the government .

55:35The decision about using your tax money

55:37to build schools or nuclear submarines

55:39is being made based on the thinking of

55:41a sect of devotees of this strange

55:43extremist religion , who , unable to

55:45recognize their own image in the mirror

55:47, remain certain that the fanatics and

55:49extremists are the others . It's a

56:01strategy for maintaining power . And as

56:04this becomes a strategy for maintaining

56:06power , we are lost . Before putting an

56:17end to this three-episode series , I

56:20want to tell you , as usual , about

56:22Rádio Guarda-chuva , our collective of

56:24podcasts made by journalists . As you

56:26know , Budejo , Giro Latino , Penestante ,

56:29Vida de Jornalista , and Finitude are

56:31part of this network . And it's about

56:34this last one that I'm going to talk to

56:35you about today . Well , not me , but the

56:37presenter of Finitude , Juliana Dantas .

56:40Hi , Tomás . It's a pleasure to be here

56:43inside the Escafandro radio . And I

56:45wanted to invite listeners to follow us

56:47from here to Finitude to listen to our

56:49episode this week . It's the second

56:52chapter of the series How to Deal . This

56:55time , how to deal with someone who is

56:57depressed . It's a very open

57:00conversation about how each of us can

57:02play a role in supporting and guiding

57:04the relationship with a friend or

57:06relative who has been diagnosed with

57:08depression . Unfortunately , we know it's

57:11a topic that still suffers from a lot

57:13of prejudice , and this ends up being a

57:15second layer of pain on top of those

57:17who are already dealing with this

57:18mental health issue . So , what can we

57:21say or do ? What is best to avoid ? These

57:25are some of the points we start from in

57:27this week's episode of Finitude .

57:31There's a new episode every Tuesday on

57:33your favorite podcast player . Thank you

57:35. Kisses to you . Now , this concludes

57:42the 33rd episode of Escafandro . The

57:45soundtrack and theme of our episode is

57:47by Paulo Gama . Sound mixing by Víor

57:50Coroa . I am Tomás Queini , and I

57:53conceived , produced , edited , and did

57:55the sound design for this episode .

57:58Thank you for listening , and until the

58:00next dive in 15 days .

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